Who would have said that the European Union might overshadow national elections in a country that is known for its long-lasting extreme nationalism? Serbia now surprises all the sceptics and those who could hardly believe that the country is willing to sacrifice some of its nationalistic stances. Let's have a look at a pivotal issue in the national elections that will take place on May 6.
After the opinions of experts and of two young Hungarians, Nouvelle Europe asks the caricaturist and student of Philosophy and Study of Religions, Ármin Langer, about his political engagement and his perspectives on the situation of his country, before he rushes of to tear down his latest exhibition...
In our series of articles about Hungary, Nouvelle Europe concludes with the perspectives of two Hungarian students on the new Constitution, Hungary in the EU, and alternatives to the current government.
Few scholars have attempted a systematic comparison of populism in Western and post-communist Europe: studies of populism tend to be limited to one region or another, and when pan-European studies do occur, regional specificities disappear in an attempt not to essentialize “east” and “west”. The more theory-driven work on populism, however, offers useful tools to compare the nature and the causes of populist discourse at both ends of the European Union.
After the fall of the Soviet Union, populism emerged in the Belarusian political context as an effective instrument to come to power and to retain it. A democratically elected president, Alexander Lukashenko, has been governing since 1994; his unique leadership style continuously attracts the attention of the international community, not least because of its populist character.
Mickiewicz or Mickevičius? For years, Lithuanian citizens of Polish origin have been asking for the right to keep their names in Polish spelling. Is it just a question of name? The situation of the national minorities in Lithuania has been discussed by world and regional organisations for already over ten years. And still it creates tensions between Vilnius and Warsaw.
North Kosovo's status remains one of the main challenges to be addressed in the Balkans. Tensions have risen again recently. It is a dangerous turn of events, since violence could lead to the destabilisation of the entire region. Based on interviews with local actors, this article will discuss how bridges can be built and how divides can be overcome.
More than three years after the Kosovo declaration of independence, the dialogue between Serbia and Kosovo is still hardly moving out of the deadlock. The principles are tightly controlled on both sides, leading them to a no-win situation that neither Kosovo and Serbia, nor the principal mediator – the European Union – are satisfied with. We may then wonder to what extent nationalism is playing a role in today’s bilateral relations and whether it still retains the same features as earlier.
On 17 February 2008, the Assembly of Kosovo adopted a declaration of independence. Since then the country has been trying to gain international recognition and to becomea sovereign state in its own right. More than three years after this process, Bilge Yabanci answers our questions about Kosovo’s evolutions.
Everyone had seen it coming, but when it finally happened it was nonetheless shocking. Last year’s political crisis on a possible referendum in Bosnia and Herzegovina was yet another painful sign of the ongoing political stagnation of the country. The EU’s standard rulebook for the Balkan countries matches uneasily with the peculiar political situation of Bosnia. Not only should the EU step up its efforts, but it should also increase its legitimacy in the country.